However, the formations of Chinese gangs in both countries are different. In the U.S., the identity crisis is the main factor that leads to gang formation.(Long, 1996). Asian immigrants often found themselves in a cultural conflict: while one stressed strict obedience, the other stressed independence and self-sacrifice, and the inability to reconcile the demands from two inconsistent identities became the cause of the formation of the gangs in the U.S(Long, 1996).
In other words, those people came together to realize self-recognition, and make profits together. Therefore, the scale of the gangs is relatively large and unbounded. Whereas in China, gangs are relatively small and exceptionally localized — they tend to limit the number of the members to between 50 and 200 people(Long, 1996), because China’s central government is very protective of its position as centralizing force in the country. That is, China’s central government has no tolerance of nationwide underground groups that have abilities to challenge the central government. Since gangs by their natures are forces that challenge the baseline of the central government, they tend to draw attention from the central government, but only when they grow large enough to pose a considerable threat(T. Wing Lo, 2010); they can stay out of government’s radar, as long as they remain in fairly small size.
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Moreover, Chinese gangs in the U.S. and in China have completely different models. There are two models of the gangs: structure-control model and social network model(T. Wing Lo, 2010). Gangs in mainland China is social-network-model-based. In this model, guanxi, which means personal relationship and reciprocal obligation developed through a particular social network(T.
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